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裴京汉
(韩国新罗大学史学科)

孙中山的大亚洲主义與韩国 -“周边的视角”的有用性

孙中山的大亚洲主义思想主张亚洲诸弱小民族应以中国和日本两大亚洲强国为领导联合起来,摆脱欧美帝国主义列强的控制,以谋求亚洲诸民族之解放。如果仔细考量孙中山对待理应包含在大亚洲主义中的类似韩国的弱小民族的态度,则会发现其大亚洲主义实际上非但不是建立在與弱小民族之间真正的互惠與平等的基礎上,反而是主张由中国和日本这样的“亚洲强国”为领导来重建亚洲国际关系。本文意在从韩国等中国周边国家的视角审视孙中山的大亚洲主义的实际意义,以提出在纵观近现代中国时“周边的视角”是何其有用及必要。

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郑会欣
(香港中文大学中国文化研究所)

豪門資本與「官辦商行

本文将探讨1-四项「官辦商行」興起的背景;2-豪門資本與「官辦商行」(以中國建設銀公司、孚中實業公司、揚子建業公司为例);3-「官辦商行」的特點;4-「官辦商行」依仗特權的實例(外匯雙軌制與進口商品配額制、與政府間的關係、來自體制內外的抨擊、蔣介石的態度);5-應當重視對官僚資本的研究。

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Flemming Christiansen
(Institute of East Asian Studies, University of Duisburg-Essen)

The 1911 Revolution and the Issue of “Second Modernity”: Implications for Globalization Theory 100 Years on

The paper will examine the 1911 Revolution as a strong symbolic landmark of China's development towards modernity in order to unravel how Nationalist and Communist historiography of 1911 have contributed to inadequacies in current sociological theories of globalization.

Globalization in its most popular caricature represents the spread of neoliberal economic practices into the developing world and the former “Communist block.” In this process, the division line between “tradition” and “modernity” is often casually drawn at the inception of the reforms in 1978. The implication is that reform-era China is wrongly seen as speedily catching up with the rest of the world, passing from a stable-state communitarian past into the globalization era of atomized individualism.

In recent sociological debates, Ulrich Beck has identified the rise of a “second modernity,” which breaks up some national institutions of old “modernity,” while reinforcing neoliberal and global market institutions. As this “second modernity” transcends and obliterates the nation state, Beck proposes a new social science approach, which he calls “the cosmopolitan turn in social and political theory and research.” In this way he believes it will not only be possible to avoid the Euro-centric assumptions in globalization theory, but will be possible to understand more fully China's path to “second modernity.” He believes, among other things, that China is catching up through a “compressed modernization.” Craig Calhoun and others have critiqued Beck's ideas, pointing out theoretical inconsistencies, factual flaws and serious limitations; others have sought to shoehorn China's development into Beck's “compressed modernization” model. While agreeing that new social-science epistemological approaches that can accommodate China's reality are overdue, I will in the proposed paper  critically examine how the very modernizing teleology of Nationalist and Communist historiography has led to some of the misconceptions underpinning current debates on the cosmopolitan turn and more generally in globalization theory.

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Jens Damm
(Graduate Institute of Taiwan Studies, Chang Jung Chrisitan University, Taiwan)

The Contemporary Political and Public Discourse on the Xinhai Revolution in Taiwan

The Xinhai Revolution has again become a topic of certain interest in Taiwan’s academic world, but only through the lens of the political and public discourse in Taiwan today can a clear picture of the current role played by these events be obtained. For example, the pan-blue camp (including political parties such as the KMT, PFP, NP and media such as the United Daily New China Times, TVBS) offers a smooth and polished version of the historical events of 1911-1912 that dovetails neatly with the current political discourse on integration across the Taiwan Strait, “Chineseness with Taiwanese characteristics” and the modernization of the island linked with democratic achievements after 1949, in order (it could be argued)to legitimize the rule of the KMT, today and in the past. The pan-green camp (including political parties, such as the DPP and TSU, and media, such as the Liberty Times), on the other hand, prefers to downplay the importance, for Taiwan, of the historical developments of the 1911/1912 period in Mainland China, but without attacking or openly questioning the centennial celebrations, so that an impression emerges of outspoken indifference.  

In this paper, I am going to analyze the importance of the Xinhai revolution in Taiwan’s contemporary political and public discourse, which derives from the re-election of a pan-blue candidate as President, and which serves as common ground in connection with the economic and societal integration on both sides of the Taiwan Strait and the political rapprochement between the current leadership of Taiwan and the CCP. My paper will focus, in particular, on the political discourse on the Xinhai revolution and the significance of Sun Yat-sen including related speeches given by prominent politicians and reports found in the old and new media, and popular publications such as Celebrating 100 Years (百年風華) (Government Information Office) and Expose the Truth of 100 Years ROC (揭穿中華民國百年真相) (Taiwan Historical Association).

This will show the complex linkages in the current political mainstream discourse between the Xinhai Revolution, the accomplishments of Sun Yat-sen, the 100 years’ existence of the ROC and issues related to Taiwan’s democratization, the creation of a specific Taiwanese identity, and the accomplishments of 100 years of KMT rule.

In the counter discourse, Sun Yat-sen’s achievements are not seen as having any relevance for Taiwan, which is referred to as being a Japanese colony, Taiwan being spared the chaos of the Warlord Period, and the (post-war) KMT government is regarded as a “government in exile.” Nevertheless, any sharp criticism of the rewriting of history in the mainstream counter-discourse is very much restricted to political activists outside the DPP and pan-green academics, and has evoked an indifferent response from the broader population and little or no reaction from the majority of the pan-green camp. The new leadership of the DPP, particularly Tsai Ing-wen (Cai Yingwen), having officially come to terms with the idea of the ROC system in Taiwan, is trying to present a much more moderate stance, and is not striving to establish a Republic of Taiwan.

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Frank Dikötter
(History Department, University of Hong Kong)

The Rise and Fall (and Great Muddle) of Political Openness in China since 1911
(Keynote Lecture)

The talk will argue that despite decades of negative historiography about the republican era, the decades following the 1911 revolution were marked by a trend towards much greater openness, not only in the economy, culture and society, but also in politics. "Liberation", more specifically the three decades under Mao, saw significant reversals, as most basic freedoms of speech, movement, association, belief and trade were curtailed within the first ten years of the revolutionary regime. The emphasis of the talk is on the period from 1911 to 1978, but a brief epilogue will highlight how the legacy of the Maoist era still casts a long shadow over China today, as openness continues to be viewed with suspicion in a one-party state.

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傅国涌
(自由撰稿人)

百年中国知识分子路径选择的曲线

一百年来,中国知识分子被激进主义裹胁,最终失去自由与尊严,乃至生命,从1970年代起,个别知识分子自我反思开始告别激进主义,到今天再度面临渐进还是激进的路径选择。

一、    一百年前,辛亥时代中国知识分子的观念差异其实不大,宋教仁与梁启超之间的不同并非源于价值观的对立,五四时代,部分知识分子越来越趋于激进化,激进主义逐渐吸引了大批青年追随者,其中转折点在1925年到1926年,“五卅”到“三一八”,有国、共两党背景的知识分子日趋激进,否定民国早年的宪政体制,以群众运动为手段追求各种主义,激进化思潮裹胁了包括鲁迅在内的知识分子。胡适代表的自由主义,曾左李代表的国家主义,张君劢主张的“修正民主政治”路线,挡不住激进主义的攻势。

二、    大批并非激进的知识分子为什么选择与共产党合作?许多知识分子脑子里有一个古老的大同之梦,社会主义构想与那个时代许多知识分子心目中对“经济民主”的向往有某种心理上的合拍,

三、    知识分子自觉接受思想改造,包括朱光潜、费孝通这些受欧美教育、专业有成的知识分子自动的归向新政权,不是简单的利益和安全驱动,而是发自内心地接受思想改造。

四、    受过欧美教育以及在欧美教育影响下成长起来的知识分子在1957年几乎全军覆没,开始重新反思激进主义路径的乃是当年追随激进主义的青年知识分子,包括60年代的林昭、70年代的顾准、80年代的许良英、方励之、90年代的李慎之、韦君宜等,他们对激进主义的告别,回到了民国时代思潮多元的状态,知识分子在观念上高度分化。现实中再次面临重大的路径选择。

 

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贺卫方
(北京大学法学院)

权力分立与司法独立在清末民初中国的引入

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徐振國
(東吳大學政治學系)

國民政府在大陸時代的政經發展經驗:現代主權國家

论文将探讨1-前現代的中國國家特性與社會經濟組織:中國大陸「行會」與台灣「商郊」2-中國第一個經濟發展奇蹟:上海商會與中國與交通銀行主導之上海經驗3-國民政府時代的財經建樹和意識形態困惑:商會與工會的衝突4-抗戰時期的管制經濟以及嚴重的米糧和棉花供應問題5-抗戰後期經濟政策概念的轉型:經濟學家展露頭角6-勝利之後「計畫自由經濟」概念的宣示和形成7-陳儀的社會主義思想及其治台時期產生的社會衝突8-「計畫自由經濟」在台灣的初期開展:尹仲容的經濟政策實踐的建立與現代經濟政策概念的形成

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黄奎博
(国立政治大学外交系)
    
对外关系(题目和内容待定)

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克思明
(天主教輔仁大學歷史學系)

爭議與啟示:國共關係史上的“新三民主義”論述

论者通过國共關係的歷史脈絡,嘗試反省下列命題:何謂“新三民主義”?其具體指涉為何?和“舊三民主義”有何不同?共產黨人為什麼主張“新三民主義”既是中國共產黨人和孫中山合作的政治基礎,又是國共兩黨建立革命統一戰線的共同綱領?而國共雙方各自堅持不同的歷史解釋,到底爭的是什麼?時值21世紀,從宏觀視野和全局高度綜覽,在發掘探討辛亥革命“歷史遺產”的此際,“新三民主義”帶來什麼啟發,令人省思。

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Lin Ching-Yuan 林金源
(淡江大學經濟系)

台灣經濟發展經驗在民國百年歷史中的地位與意義

凝聚國家認同、完善政治結構、妥行公共政策,是孫文三民主義中民族、民權、民生的精義。從辛亥革命到對日抗戰結束,民生議題在國民政府統治中並不重要。1949年之後,台灣經濟發展的成績確實亮麗,但此經驗不該簡化為市場經濟的成功。一來台灣早期採行的策略與國際政經局勢有關,並非普世皆可複製的模式。再者,反共教育之下,台灣對同時期大陸發展的過程缺少同情與瞭解,也不想與中國大陸有所連結。中華民國從1945年的「復台灣」,淪為1949年的「來台灣」,到蔣經國的「在台灣」,最後轉成李、扁、馬的「是台灣」。台灣如趨統,兩岸就跨過了民族議題,可全力邁向民生議題上互補互利的階段。台灣如趨獨,兩岸都被迫回頭解決民族認同議題,經濟發展將因內耗空轉深受影響。

 

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Monika Lehner
(维也纳大学历史系)

Hidden Grammars of Discourse

The Xinhai Revolution as a major event in Chinese history has been subject of an enormous body of research that used a broad range of ideological and methodological approaches. While academic research in the People’s Republic of China has stretched and expanded limitations of ideological boundaries and offering new insights, western research on the subject referred (and still refers) to a range of master narratives of reform and revolution trying to frame the events in China within a broader context, usually by comparison with other revolutionary movements, e.g. Russia, Mexico and others, and/or by introducing rather random parts of analytical frameworks developed in a broad range of  disciplines. As a consequence, Western contributions to the history/histories of the Xinhai Revolution appear as a rather heterogeneous conglomerate of different modes and strands of discourse as well as an undefined combination of various methodological concepts, including master narratives such as dynastic cycle(s), Marxist interpretations, stages of revolution, anti-imperialist narratives conflict interpretations, and post-modern interpretations.

There were many efforts to get a better grip of these fields, starting in the 1980s and 1990s with titles such as Gail Hershetter et. al. (ed.): Remapping China: fissures in historical terrain (Stanford: Stanford University Press 1996) and Prasenjit Duara: Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern  China (Chicago: University of Chicago Pr. 1997). At the same time, Paul A. Cohen’s Discovering History in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past (New York: Columbia University Pr. 1984), which was recently republished with a new introduction (2010), challenged American traditional ways to traditional ways to write Chinese history. Almost three decades after Cohen, a critical assessment of European research on Chinese history (and a history of historiography regarding  China in general and the Xinhai revolution in particular) remains to be written.

The paper will map European/Western concepts by looking at master narratives and strands of discourse(s) that have been dominating research. Categories and keywords such as ‘race’/’people’, ‘representation’, ‘socialism’, ‘crisis’, ‘reform’, ‘revolution’ and others have been widely used to describe events in China, while the heavy  load of (Western) concepts that each of these keywords carries, appears rather marginalized. In using the frameworks of conceptual history [Begriffsgeschichte] and discourse analysis to show the shaping and adaptation of master narratives of the Xinhai Revolution,the paper addresses hidden (and widely ignored) grammars of discourse.

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Astrid Lipinsky
(维也纳大学汉学系)

The Xinhai Revolution in Taiwan: On the sustainability of artificially institutionalized history

The Xinhai Revolution of 1911 has no roots in Taiwan, which was a Japanese colony at the time. But as the anniversary of the Xinhai uprising is the National Day of the Republic of China („Double Tenth“), its memory had to be implanted in Taiwan following the Republican Chinese government’s move there in 1949.

This paper discusses Republican Chinese ceremonies and rituals and other ways that the memory of the Xinhai Revolution was established in Taiwan, and addresses the effect of these on the general population. The history of the ritualized memoralization of the Xinhai Revolution is much older than 1949. It was institutionalized by law on 11 July 1931 in Nanjing. That series of legal provisions was later taken to Taiwan and remained basically unchanged throughout the period of martial law, until the end of 1986. The paper analyzes how democratization and localization (bentuhua) are reflected in changes of the legal texts.

Beginning shortly after the Xinhai Revolution, the memory of the revolutionaries was honored in martyr shrines (zhonglieci). Although this term only dates back to late Qing Dynasty shrines, scholars link the concept to a basic and very old Chinese custom of honoring and remembering one’s ancestors (by blood and beyond). They argue that Confucius or Guangong temples correspond to the concept of martyr’s shrines as being nothing specifically Republican  Chinese. In fact, the Japanese colonial government had established Shinto shrines (shenshe 神社)with a similar meaning throughout the island of Taiwan. Some were later used by the Republican Chinese government as martyr shrines. Chiang Kai-shek ordered the construction of shrines in each of the 25 Taiwanese counties, and the National Martyr’s Shrine in Taipei was finally built in 1969. Annual ceremonies are held at least twice a year: on Tomb Sweeping Day, 29 March, and in September, hosted and guided by the President of State. Taiwanese students in the 1960s and the 1970s remember being collectively obliged to attend, and having to bow to the martyrs three times.

The paper discusses the martyr shrines and their ceremonies as a form of ceremonalization of the revolutionary anniversary.

Whereas the martyr’s shrines are mainly military memorials, where brave soldiers are remembered and honored by the daily ritual of today’s fellow soldiers, the Xinhai Revolution was also officially turned into a cultural memorial when on the 1966 anniversary of the Xinhai Revolution Chiang Kai-shek announced the Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement (中華文化復興運動), explicitly refering to the date and its origin.

The Cultural Renaissance Movement was meant to counter the Cultural Revolution on the Chinese mainland that occurred at the same time. The Cultural Renaissance Movement promised to preserve and promote the ancient Chinese Confucian culture that the Cultural Revolution was attacking and destroying. The Cultural Renaissance Movement’s Commission was active till 2006, and since then continues its work, renamed as the National Cultural Affairs Commission with the rank of a ministry of culture. It is chaired by the President of State, as are the National Martyr’s Shrine‘s rituals.

The proclamation of the Cultural Renaissance Movement paralleled Chiang Kai-shek ’s renunciation of the possibility and probability of retaking the mainland by force. Instead he outlined a series of peaceful measures to convince the People’s Republic of the superiority of Republican China’s ancient culture and Confucian morals. The Xinhai anniversary has thus been transformed into a cultural symbol, including some purely decorative staging of military rituals, mainly catering to tourists.  Most visitors come from abroad, and younger local Taiwanese are often unaware of the location of  the shrine in their home county.

In a final section, the paper analyzes the potential of the martyrs’ shrines as a cultural symbol to establish and maintain the historical background of national identity. Can the shrines go beyond their original historical meaning and take on some local importance? Or will they symbolize the lack of importance that the Xinhai anniversary has for Taiwan today? The paper outlines the ongoing discussion on the feasibility of integrating Taiwan-specific historical events like the ererba massacre into the shrines’ presentation and meaning. This could involve their demilitarization and democratization, thus turning back to the actual democratic legacy of Xinhai.

The paper is part of a research project on local martyr shrines in Taiwan.

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柳红
(独立学者)

1980年代:台湾和大陆的两种不同转型比较

台湾自1950年代至1970年代完成了经济转型和起飞。1980年代又实现了政治转型。大陆在实行计划经济三十年后,1980年代全面开启市场取向的经济转向。但是,1980年代末期,由赵紫阳所主导的政治转型却于1989年夭折,造成中国大陆政治转型严重滞后。本文将从背景、路径、后果、领导人、知识分子等诸多因素,来比较1980年代中国大陆和台湾的转型及其对未来的影响。

 

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Helmut Opletal
(维也纳大学汉学系)

Concepts of political reforms and liberalization in the un-official grass-root Democracy Movements of the 1970s and 1980s in mainland China

Beijing’s official policy of Reform and Opening in the late 70s and early 80s focused on economic reforms, but also allowed for some political changes. But from a newly emerging Chinese civil society came demands for more radical changes, for “democratization” and freedom in the political, cultural and academic fields. Activists in a number of cities published independent journals and wrote critical dazibao, one by the prominent dissident Wei Jingsheng demanded “democracy” as a “fifth modernization” beside the officially promoted Four Modernizations in economy. Despite some sympathies from “above”, these grass-root movements were quickly suppressed, but the debates about which kind of democracy and political reform were suitable for China went on, reaching a new climax in the “June 4” movement of 1989. The paper tries to analyse to which extent the ideas of “democracy” in the Post-Cultural Revolution China were influenced by Western concepts of multi-party liberal democracy, the early slogans of the Xinghai Revolution or concepts of “socialist democracy” within the framework of a communist People’s Republic.

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桑兵
(中山大学历史系)

知识、制度转型与辛亥革命研究

辛亥时期的短短十年间,在西学、东学和中学的交相作用下,中国人所使用的语汇、概念、思想学术 的系统和传播形式、以及政治、经济、教育、军事、司法、外交、金融、财政、社会等各种制度,发生了大范围大幅度的转型,人们的思维和行为随之发生程度不同 的变化,使得中国的社会发展前后两分,一脉相承的文化在延续的同时出现一定程度的断裂。这一全面性的社会转型,不仅决定了中国后来发展的基本趋向和形态, 与此前自唐宋以来的情形截然不同,而且在两方面对辛亥时期的历史及历史认识产生重大影响。就辛亥的历史进程而论,知识与制度转型加速了民族民主思想的传播 和共和革命风潮的形成,造成了政治与社会组织的重构,引发了利益重组的官府和民间错综复杂的各种矛盾和冲突,同时也引起许多观念与制度性的纠结困惑,使得 官民对立普遍激化,朝廷和政府的社会掌控力明显降低。就辛亥革命的历史认识而论,用转型以来的一整套词汇概念和思想学问系统以及以此为凭借形成的历史架构 看待相关史料史事,导致不少的格义附会,误读错解,既不能理解此前中国固有的知识与制度的本意本事,也很难认识转型进程的难题症结,进而了解现实和把握未 来。

如果不是简单地以现有知识和历史架构为理所当然的预设前提,不以现行的概念和分科的眼光看待理解前人前事,而将辛亥革命置于晚清民国历 史的整体脉络中进行考察,不为变化即进化、现在即现代的成见所囿,努力回到历史现场,理解古往今来中外各种思想学说制度的本意,及其依时空演进而呈现的流 变,所论力求既具有系统且不涉附会,便不难发现,今日对于辛亥时期历史的认识从整体到具体,都有重新探讨的广阔空间。十年来我们团队这方面的研究取得了显 著进展,从已有成果中选取若干个案作为例证,说明相关研究只有符合前人本意和史事本相,展示历史的本来状态,才能恰当体现包括革命在内的辛亥时期之于中国 历史发展的地位和意义。

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沈志华
(华东师范大学历史系、冷战国际研究中心)

无奈的选择:中苏同盟建立的曲折历程(1944-1950)

中苏结盟是一个曲折复杂的历史过程:由于缺乏信任,1944年中共和苏联都没有把对方作为战后合作伙伴的首选;1945年毛泽东在党内宣布苏联是中共的朋友,却遭到斯大林的白眼;1946-48年苏共谨慎地援助中共建立起革命政权,但只限于中国北方地区;经过激烈的争论,并在毛泽东表示政治上的顺从后,斯大林决定支持中共夺取全国政权;斯大林在中苏民族利益的冲突中被迫做出重大让步,从而对毛泽东的忠诚和中苏同盟的可靠性产生怀疑;毛泽东在极端困难和矛盾的情况下,毅然决定出兵朝鲜单独对抗美国,避免了中苏同盟条约被束之高阁的命运。结论:中苏同盟并非出于意识形态的要求,尽管这是必不可少的条件;从中苏结盟的过程看,这种无奈的选择从一开始就埋下了同盟破裂的隐患。

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石佳音
(文化大學政治系)

意識型態與革命:中國國民黨與中國共產黨觀點之比較

國民黨和中共都談「主義」,前者主張「三民主義」,後者信奉「共產主義」。表面看來都頗重 視「意識型態」在「革命」中的重要性。但實際上,國民黨從孫文到蔣介石(甚至到蔣經國),基本上只是把「主義」看成宣傳工具,與整個政黨的實際政策和集體 行動沒有多大關係。但中共則始終把「主義」看做是指引集體行動的路線方針。此一差別,注定了國民黨的黨組織不可能建設成像中共那樣的「組織的武器」。於 是,國民黨永遠受困於內部派系紛擾,而中共卻可以集體一致對外。這是理解國共鬥爭國敗共勝的「組織」因素。直待今天,馬英九領導的國民黨仍然處於在意識形 態領域只能防守、無法出擊的困境,甚至有向民進黨的獨派立場趨同的傾向。追本溯源,這是國民黨不重視意識形態建設的傳統有以致之。

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Axel Schneider
(Centre for Modern East Asian Studies, University of Göttingen)

Why revolution is bad: critique of progress around 1911

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Lena Springer
( 维也纳大学汉学系)

Newly defined experts of Chinese health care: a field of contestation before and after the Xinhai Revolution

This paper discusses the impact of the Xinhai Revolution on the medical developments and cultural history of Chinese medicine. The importance of experts of public and traditional health care, to be newly defined through education and licensing, will be pointed out as a crucial facet of intellectual searches for a Chinese revolutionary path.

Taking intellectual and social developments prior to the Republican period into account, we can discern ongoing, partly pre-modern, threads of East Asian discourse on how to further professionalize health care. Towards the future, the re-invention of an explicitly Chinese yet revolutionary medicine during the early Communist period is not distinct from the previous steps in the Republican period, as Chinese medical history publications generally claim today. In spite of such traces of revolutionary continuity and the established national Chinese medical institutions, the recurrent call for abolishing old-fashioned Chinese medicines alerts us to the fact that the transition already esteemed and triggered in late Qing China is a still-ongoing process.

The ideology and political line towards Chinese medicine experts is still as ambiguous as the ancient balancing act of Chinese physicians who worked across the hiatus between mere peasant and divine scholar. These experts, depending on the crucial question of who they are in modern East Asia, still serve as signifiers of the continuously evaluated Chinese revolutions.

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亨久保
(Shinshu University)

同感与反感:从明治日本看辛亥革命
Simpathy and Antipathy: the Xinhai revolution seen from the Meiji Japan

Japan could not help concerning Xinhai revolution happened in the neighbor country. Analyzing Japanese main view points and controversies regarding Republican China, this paper will investigate the meaning of Xinhai Revolution seen from Modern Japan.

1  Responses to Xinhai Revolution in Japan
There were various responses to Xinhai revolution in Japan, when the revolution happened. On one hand, those who participated the democratic movement in Japan announced strong sympathy to the revolution. On the other hand, those who supported the constitutional reform tried by the Qing government, including Japanese governmental administrators showed antipathy and strict precaution to the revolution. Eventually, however, as the revolutionaries were gaining in power, a part of Japanese politicians, military officers and business men began to contact with the revolutionaries, considering their future interests.

2  Estimation of the Republic of China in Modern Japan
After the establishment of the Republic of China, Japanese public opinion gradually felt a kind of disappointment. Because the political situation in the Republic of China was shaking and the Chinese socio-economic situation could not become stabilized. In this period, Professor Jinyichi Yano (矢野仁一) clearly pointed out that China was not a modern state, having a big influence in Japan. His estimation was based on the Meiji Japan standard.

3  Controversy in the 1910s and in the 1930s
In the end of Yuan Shikai government in 1916, a hot controversy about Japanese policy against China happened. Professor Konan Naito (内藤湖南) proposed the interventional policy toward China, while Professor Sakuzo Yoshino (吉野作造) did not agree with such policy, insisting the importance of Young China’s nationalism. On the whole, Japanese major opinion tended to the interventional policy, because most of Japanese despised Chinese nation building effort. We can find the similar controversy in the eve of Sino-Japanese War in 1937.

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王先明
(南开大学历史学院)

从风潮到传统——辛亥革命与“革命”话语的时代性转折

20 世纪以来的“革命话语”呈现出繁复和多变的面相。辛亥革命之后,革命话语已经深入到人们的日常生活之中,几乎事无巨细均要纳入“革命”之范围。当新时代 “革命传统”蔚然成风后,革命话语由此渐成普泛化流行语,革命的现代价值与意义却淹没在社会大众的集体行为和政治取向的惯习之中,革命逐渐沦落为造反、起 义、暴动甚至权力、利益之攘夺的另一种表述。“革命”话语几乎主导了一切社会生活;而革命的真义却被普泛化的“革命”话语所消解。

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韦森
(复旦大学经济思想与经济史研究所)

经济社会转型的一些根本性问题

辛亥革命100年后的中国,改革开放33年后的中国,乃至入世10年后的中国,正在处在一个“大转型”(a great transformation)时期。经过30余年改革开放和经济高速增长,中国社会已经走到了必须选择未来自己经济社会发展方向的十字路口。对此论者想表述以下四个见解:第一、近代以来中国社会转型的未竟之业;第二、寻求未来中国法治民主建设的重叠共识;第三,从预算民主建设上开启中国法治民主建设的的基本设想。第四,未来中国民主政治建设的一个前提条件是唤醒国人的“纳税人权利意识”。

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Susanne Weigelin-Schwiedrzik
(维也纳大学汉学系)

100 years in search of a new political and economic system for China: Some preliminary reflections

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Felix Wemheuer
(维也纳大学汉学系)

The Conquest of Famine: 1962 as a Turning Point of Peasant-State Relation in PRC History

The famine of the Great Leap Forward (1959-1961) had a strong impact on the relations between state and peasantry in China. During the famine, the government starved the countryside in order to secure the food supply for the cities. Ralph Thaxton argues that the CCP did never recover from the legitimacy crisis in the countryside that the famine had caused. The paper will show how Mao Zedong and the CCP survived this crisis. It will be argued that the Stalinist development model came to an end in 1962. Instead of exporting grain to finance the industrial construction, grain was imported to feed the urban population and lower the burden of the peasants. I will argue that the reform of the People’s Commune and the increase of agricultural production alone cannot explain the recovery of the countryside. The “send down” of 20 million people from the cities to the villages was very important to end the famine. Furthermore, it will be shown that the anti-urbanization policies, the strict enforcement of the hukou-system and the introduction of birth planning were linked to the experience of the Great Leap famine. The paper will answer the question how the CCP prevented outbreaks of deadly famines after 1962.

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吴国光
加拿大维多利亚大学

从繁荣到革命:辛亥一百年来中国政治经济困境的宏观视野

通 过回顾辛亥革命和此后中国寻求现代化的历史轨迹,本文发现了三个重大的历史轮回,即清末变革、民国新政与当代中国的所谓崛起。这里每一个轮回,都始于当时 的现行制度的危机;而为了应对危机,专制政权开始做出寻求改革与经济发展的努力,直到单轨突出经济建设,在强化的威权主义政治下取得经济发展的繁荣;在这 同时,也深化了社会的失衡发展,进一步扩大民众与权贵阶层的全面不平等,酿成全社会深刻、广泛乃至沸腾的政治不满,(迄今为止是在前两个轮回中)直至爆发 革命。文章采取比较历史研究的方法论,跟随政治经济学的逻辑,逐一检视清末、民国和当代的经济成就、对外关系成就、以及融入世界经济体系的成就,特别是探 讨这些成就与政治不满、社会抗议之间的逻辑关联;根据这种历史史料,本文质疑那种认为物质贫困和社会经济发展停滞引发了现代中国一系列社会抗议与政治革命 的观点,批评社会进步的物质决定论的历史观。本文认为,辛亥前后迄今一百多年的中国寻求现代化的历史表明,中国进步的困境,不在于难以实现繁荣和富强这个 所谓中华民族的百年梦想,而在于未能成功建设一种能够具有从社会不满中汲取动力而不断自我改善的政治制度。

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吴景平
(复旦大学历史系)

辛亥以来中国金融的现代转型

论文通过回顾清末现代银行的建立(如英国丽如银行、中国通商银行,清政府的户部银行、交通银行等)、北洋政府的金融政策、民国政府银行制度与金融政策、 49年后的金融业前所未有的巨变以及80年代以后金融业新的转型,展示了中国金融由传统走向现代所经历的曲折过程。

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吳翎君
(東華大學歷史系)

一次大戰前後美國大企業與中國的國際化

本文認為一次大戰前後美國大企業在中國的投資有其重要的國際化意義,從一次大戰前後美國大企業對中國的實業投資案交涉中,顯現歷經辛亥革命後民國政府尋求外國技術的援助以振興中國實業的進取性,而自清末以來即和中國逐漸形成「特殊關係」的美國,無疑扮演了重要角色。

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吴思
(《炎黄春秋》杂志社,特邀)

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吳啟訥
(中央研究院近代史研究所)

面對以漢人為主體的中華民國──少數族群的困境與抉擇

以往研究中國民族史,都是從國家整合與國家族群政策的角度切入,忽略非漢人族群本身的感受與族群中心的歷史。本文有意從非漢人族群的角度切入,探討少數族裔群體在漢民族主體國家中的境遇,以及少數族裔與中華民族國家建構的關係。

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夏白鸽
(维也纳大学汉学系)

从宪法序言看中国宪政之路的曲折艰难

清末预备立宪是在试图改变此前的国家形态的基础上而建立的,中华民国(以下简称民国)是在不满意清末预备立宪的基础上建立的,中华人民共和国(以下简称新中国)又是在推翻民国的基础上建立的。而每建立一个新的国家形态或政权形态,又都以颁布宪法为最终结果。这就是说,自清末预备立宪以来,中国人在国家制度的建设中,始终将宪政制度确立为既定目标。清预备立宪政府虽未及公布正式宪法,但却留下一部带总论的宪法草案(以下简称清末宪草);民国宪法序言言简意赅;新中国宪法部部有序言,且越写越长。一般而论,宪法序言本身似乎很难反映出一个国家所走过的宪政道路。而中国宪政道路之曲折艰难,又恰恰通过宪法序言的两个方面真实地反映了出来:一是通过宪法序言的内容上的变化;一是通过宪法序言的作用上的变化。
因此本文仅以宪法序言为例,检视中国百年来的宪政路途。试图说明:

1 中国何以及何时踏上了宪政之路?
2 中国行走的宪政之路究竟路向何方?
3 阻碍中国宪政道路的原因究竟何在?

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许纪霖
(华东师范大学历史系)

为何权力代替了权威:辛亥前后制度转型之歧路

1911 年的辛亥革命,是一场由新政引发的革命。新政改革,是一把双刃剑,不是革命的替代物,便是其催化剂。由于晚清新政无法扩大政治参与,最后引发了革命。辛亥 革命具有两张面孔,一张是革命,另一张是封建,民主与封建纠缠在一起,形成了革命的复杂面相。辛亥革命创建了新的政治共同体,却没有同时创建共和政体所赖 以存在的正当性基础――宪政,无论是国民党还是进步党,都忙于争夺国家最高权力,这使得近代中国政治的根本症结在于只有权力之争,而始终缺乏政治的权威, 辛亥之后,革命接踵而至,而每一次统一的结果,建立的都是独断权力的中央威权,而保证国家长治久安的宪政和法治始终缺乏。

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Xu Jiajun, Liu Suyu
(University of Oxford)

The Interactive Relationship between the Reform of China’s Banking System and International Financial Regulations: A Historical Perspective

International Financial Regulations changed from time to time after the WWII. China, since the Chinese Commuinist Party took power in 1949, has developed its separate domestic banking system in isolation. However, realizing the flaws of the banking system, especially after the open-reform in 1978, China started to reform its domestic banking system by adopting it into the international track, while at meantime, tried to exploit its growing power to readjust the international financial regulations and make the financial connection between China and the world more smoothly. This paper reviews this interactive process and tries to provide some pertinent political implications in this field.

With the increasing momentum of financial globalization, the international regulator standards have been gradually developed since the mid-1970s. After the Asian financial crisis in the 1990s, the G-7 has led “international financial standards project” to promote the global adoption of international best-practice standards.  The reform project advocated “a transition from a relational, discretionary approach to regulation to a more arm’s-length, nondiscretionary approach.”  

At the meantime, with the increasing integration of China’s banking sectors into the global finanical market, China has taken a pragmatic strategy towards the current international financial regulation. On the one hand, China has adopted Basel I and Basel II on its own pace in order to overcome the barriers of domestic banking reform, for these international standards help to build up the legitimacy of domestic reform. On the other hand, as China gains more weight in the international economy, it explicitly advocates for a more just international financial regulation, because the current rules often mainly reflect the interests of large banks in the US and UK and may not adequately fit the stage of development in China.

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徐勇
(北京大学历史学系)

民初军人会议与民国政制异变研究

论 文通过民元前后的差别主义法规与兵权的革命参与、共和体制维护与兵权力量壮、军人会议发展及其对国家政治的冲击、军阀消退与武力之政治控制等四个方面,论 述了在武昌起义、南北对立、清廷退位、反对袁世凯复辟,讨伐张勋复辟等重大历史事件中,军人都起到了主力军作用,使军人集团声势大张,从而突破差别主义原 则,直接而全面地参与政治。论者认为孙中山等革命党人通过黄埔建军方式,组织了由政党支配的武装力量,在政党领军形式下整合军政关系,差别主义原则得以在 新的体制之中继续发挥其作用。节制兵权的差别主义政治原则的确立与巩固,是近代中国军政关系取得平衡发展、完成政治转轨的基本保障。

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杨奎松
(华东师范大学历史系)

有关新中国建国的几点思考

论文将通过对新中国建国时期的土地问题、政权制度的建设问题、意识形态问题等多个方面的分析,阐述论者对中华人民共和国建国的深刻思考。

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杨天石
(中国社会科学院近代史研究所)

孙中山的社会选择与百年中国的发展道路

论文通过孙中山对资本主义和社会主义的思想认识的论述,分析了孙之所以选择将社会主义和资本主义结合起来,创造一种既不同于列宁、又不同于毛泽东的新的社会发展模式的原因,并认为中国今日的改革、开放所采取的经济模式从某种意义上是对孙中山思想的回归。

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姚中秋
(独立学者)

革命与道:革命世纪中儒家之复兴浪潮

儒 家为“中国性”之大本所在。为着构建现代治理秩序,二十世纪的三场革命,辛亥革命,国民革命,以及共产革命,对儒家理念及实现这些理念的政治、社会、文 化、乃至经济制度,均发起了攻击,且呈现出余英时先生所说的“激进化”的趋势。尽管如此,每场激进革命都伴随着一次“保守化”,其中一个最为重要的表现 是,儒家顽强地复归。当代大陆,过去三十年间就出现了儒家强劲复兴的趋势,这不仅体现为儒家习俗在民间的复兴,更体现为主要的思想流派都在重回儒家,以此 建立自己有关中国理想图景的正当性论述。本文将对这种以儒家复兴为中心的保守化的历史略作描述,并提出一个命题:现代中国的稳定的治理秩序的构建,必以妥 善地安顿儒家作为其最为重要的工作之一。这样的现代性将是华夏-中国之道的展开,从而具有历史与文化上的正当性。

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虞和平
(中国社会科学院近代史研究所)

辛亥革命与教育鼎新

论者主要通过辛亥革命之后的民办教育论述国人在新的形势下对中国教育的思考与新型学校的建立。

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袁伟时
(中山大学历史系)

辛亥革命的成果及其摧毁

论者通过对以下六个方面的论述,说明了辛亥革命的成果与摧毁:1-辛亥革命的成果;2-中国民主政治制度的命运;3-革命成果巩固的途径和标志;4-北洋军政势力和地方实力派对宪政的破坏和挽救;5-国民党是抗日战争前断送民主宪政的主要力量;6-应该牢记的历史教训

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Margarita Zanasi
(Department of History, Louisiana State University)

Minsheng: Livelihood and Consumption from Empire to Nation

In this paper I examine changes and continuities in the two closely related concepts of livelihood and consumption from the Qing to the Republican periods. I focus particularly on the reconceptualization of these two notions from an “imperial” neo-Confucian framework to a “modern” and “national” one (although these are far from discreet categories, since, for example, the “imperial” mode did not automatically exclude “modern” ideas and “modern” and “national” perspectives could often be in contradiction). My goal is to explore the intellectual underpinnings of the process of economic modernization that characterized the demise of the imperial system and the efforts in modern nation building.

The notion of minsheng (民生 people’s livelihood), together with the closely related ideas of “nurturing” and “pacifying” the people (養民 and 安民), lay at the foundation of the imperial Neo-Confucian orthodoxy that informed the official political and economic discourse. This discourse focused on maintaining political and social stability by ensuring the people’s basic livelihood, which it defined as the satisfaction of fundamental economic needs such as clothing (衣) and food (食). In this context, mainstream imperial orthodoxy tended not only to identify subsistence as the standard for livelihood, but also to advocate frugality and to condemn conspicuous consumption as corrupt and amoral. (The imperial discourse on minsheng and consumption, however, harbored diverse and complex arguments that often run counter to this basic point of view). It was only in the late-eighteenth century that livelihood came to be articulated within different conceptual and discursive parameters. In facing a new imperialist threat by Western industrialized nations, Chinese intellectuals and officials began to associate minsheng primarily with Western liberal notions of development and progress. A standard of living at subsistence level came to signify poverty and backwardness and thus to be perceived as a liability in the social-Darwinist struggle among nations.

It was in this context that in the early twentieth century, economists, journalists, and commentators at large debated in the pages of specialized journals and popular magazines what kind of economic life the model modern family should lead. Although much of this debate attempted to take distance from the Neo-Confucian discourse that had characterized the imperial period—now perceived as necessarily antithetical to modernity—the classical language of minsheng continued to offer the basic parameters for the discussion on livelihood and consumption and to provide sources of political legitimacy for new “national” models of economic modernity.

Although stifled by Maoist economic austerity (1950s - 1970s), the discourse on livelihood and consumption of the early twentieth century raised issues and problems that are still relevant for understanding important contradictions in the consumerist and market economy of today’s China.

 

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Peter Zarrow
(Institute of Modern History, Academica Sinica)

Revolutionary Organization and State-building: “Popular Sovereignty” in Sunism and Maoism

The intellectual appeal of democracy, republicanism, constitutionalism—in a word, popular sovereignty—in twentieth-century China is beyond doubt, whatever the limitations in practice of those ideals.  Those ideals remain denotatively distinct from one another, but by “popular sovereignty” I simply mean to highlight a particularly abstract form of political fiction that sites sovereignty (ultimate command) in the collectivity of the people (or citizens).  This paper argues that popular sovereignty was not considered important not only by intellectuals but was central to the political thought of the leaders who did most to shape a rapidly evolving political culture.  Central, but not determinative, since leaders conceived themselves (largely correctly) to be in revolutionary struggle for power in which organizational praxis would define sovereignty.  Twentieth-century leaders were heirs to the late Qing construction of a public sphere: study societies, newspapers, novels, modern schools (all under semi-colonial conditions), and to the avenues of political participation that the 1911 Revolution had opened.  The unsettled conditions of the Republic  required new theorizations of the political, which often fell between the classical fault-lines of morality (the true king or sage) and utility (the hegemon).  By the 1910s, Sun Yat-sen had developed his notion of the leadership of “fore-knowers” into a theory of revolutionary construction or “tutelage” that also shaped his conception of the future constitutional order.   Similarly, the “mass line” of Mao Zedong was simultaneously a revolutionary instrument and an element of state structure.  Both were rooted in the legal or political fiction of popular sovereignty and both were forms of vanguardism, but while Sun’s notion of fore-knowers owed something to traditional concepts of sagehood, a matter ultimately of inner qualities, the mass line was designed to produce leaders solely through revolutionary praxis.

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张静
(北京大学社会学系)

群众路线——共产党在边区的执政实验

共产党革命和国民党革命的一个差异,是前者依赖广泛的群众动员。而战事动员目标在新人员和粮草补充,执政动员的目标则是解决执政的合法性问题。在认识到前方的战事顺利无法自动转化为后方的执政顺利之后,旨在争取“群众拥护”的新目标在边区确立。面对执政经验的空白,上个世纪40年代共产党在边区的临时执政,为其提供了实验和准备的场所。根据中央和地方局的工作组文件、边区各地“群众工作”的经验总结、整风和土地改革运动等党史资料、以及部分北方村史口述纪要文献,本文力图展现当时群众动员的困境、战略转变、具体做法及政治后果,说明共产党如何谋求党群利益切合,解决群众政治认同弱的问题。作为历史遗产,群众路线的这一起源影响了后来的身份政治分类标准:在政治上纯化革命队伍的阶级身份提上日程。

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张千帆
(北京大学法学院)

中国宪政近年来的发展路途(内容待定)

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赵金康
(河南大学历史文化学院)

中国共产党全国代表大会研究提纲

辛亥革命开启了中国民主共和的新纪元,中国共产党的诞生是中国民主化过程的结果之一。中国共产党问世后,召开过17次全国代表大会,这17次全国代表大会,可以分为两个中华人民共和国成立前和中华人民共和国成立后两个阶段研究,这两个阶段都涉及如下共性问题:一,会议背景的转换。历次代表会议召开皆有其不同的时代背景。二,会议主题不同。可分为1949年之前和1949年之后两个阶段,前一阶段主题涉及夺取全国政权,后一阶段主题是作为执政党就如何巩固政权、实现工业化提出大政方针。三,参会人员与会方式及身份的变化,四,会议的影响各异。五,会议形式的区别;六,会议地点。从会议召开地点看,主要集中于上海和北京这两个重要城市,此外,在广州、武汉、延安也召开过全国代表大会,唯一在国外召开代表大会的是中共六大。

通过上述问题的研究,描述中国共产党全国代表大会召开的背景、主题、参会人员、会议影响、会议召开形式、会议召开地点,揭示历次代表会议之间的关系。

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周志兴
(《共识网》,特邀)

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朱嘉明
(维也纳大学汉学系)

中西方的百年互动

在过去百年间,包括毛泽东时代的中国,西方对中国的影响和中国对西方的反应,不仅从未中断,而且既影响了全球格局,也改变了中国走向。本文将从经济、政治(包括战争)、外交、思想文化等方面来考察这种影响和反馈的基本模式、过程和后果。

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朱英
(武汉华中师范大学近现代史所)

革命与反革命:1920年代的商会存废纷争

围绕着“革命”与“反革命”这一焦点而持续数年之久的商会存废纷争,可以发现这一时期商民协会指控商会为“反革命”团体,并进而提出废除商会,实际上并无多少史实依据,而是通过泛用“反革命”这一严厉的政治指控欲置对手于死地,从而使之演变成为国民党以及商民协会为达到某种政治目的而采用的一种策略与手段。商会始终不承认也不接受其为“反革命”团体的指控,不仅依据史实竭力辩驳自身并非“反革命”团体,而且不断强调其“革命”性的一面,坚决反对被取消或被合并。由于商会以各种方式坚持辩驳,再加上其在实业界早已奠定的重要地位与影响,以及政治形势的变化,最终得以避免遭“反革命”的指控而被废除的结局,并仍然继续发挥重要作用,相反是号称最“革命”的商民协会并解散,这样的事例在当时尚不多见。 

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